Youth in Middle East Facing Challenges of Change

"The youth of the Arab world, until yesterday considered a ‘demographic bomb' waiting to explode in religious militancy and Islamo-fascism, is suddenly revealed to be a demographic gift, providing precisely the vigor and imagination that for generations the people of the region have been told they lacked. They have wired — or more precisely today, unwired — themselves for democracy, creating virtual and real public spheres where people from across the political, economic, and social spectrum are coming together in common purpose."

—Mark Levine, "History's Shifting Sands,"
Al Jazeera English, February 26, 2011

Throughout North Africa and the Middle East, youth have mobilized in opposition to oppressive regimes, calling for democracy and economic reform. Within a month and a half, the movement successfully forced out two heads of state, in Tunisia and Egypt, through nonviolent protest and organized action. The movement spread — to Oman, Bahrain, Jordan, Iran, Yemen, and Libya. The youth have acted as a catalyst for change, electrifying the populations of the region. Now they face a series of challenges that require them to quickly develop other skills and techniques in order to ensure that the democratic changes they fought for come to pass.

In addition to the regime changes in Tunisia and Egypt, there have been calls for constitutional monarchies in Oman, Bahrain and Jordan; increasingly tense protests in Iran; and a teetering government of Yemen. In Lybia, Ghadaffi has been particularly brutal, using foreign mercenaries and increasingly violent measures against his own people in order to remain in power. His actions have provoked the United Nations, Europe, and the United States to discuss possible sanctions and no-fly zones in Libya.

Although massive civil unrest and demands for democracy and economic justice are common denominators, the challenges that pro-democracy groups in each country face are markedly different. The situations require evolving and multifaceted responses from the demonstrators. Libya, sliding into civil war, is very different from Bahrain, where a Shia majority is pressuring a Sunni monarchy that has ruled for over 250 years to transition to constitutional monarchy. And while Ghaddafi's deployment of armed violence is an example of how things can turn ugly very quickly, it has not cowed the protesters' desire for change in Libya — or elsewhere in the region.

While Yemen has not yet descended into civil war, the situation there is a complex mix of secessionist movements, armed insurrection, Islamic fundamentalists, and ethnic politics. Older ethnic leaders and political parties only joined the movement at the end of February; it remains to be seen whether or not they intend to exploit the hard work of the youth for their own political gains. In Tunisia and Egypt, the military is in charge of the transition to civilian government. The pro-democracy movements there must learn to negotiate with political parties, form necessary alliances, and develop strategies to push lasting structural change in order to ensure their demands continue to be met. These huge challenges require political maturity, agility, and strategic thinking.

In Cairo, UUSC's partner the Hands Across the Mideast Support Alliance (HAMSA) continues to emphasize the need to keep up the pressure, share knowledge with activists in other countries, and above all to quickly develop mechanisms for opposition groups to forge agreements and effect real democratic change. In 2009, with the support of UUSC, HAMSA led a training workshop for online activists in the Middle East and North Africa. The workshop was designed to help human-rights bloggers learn to mobilize and organize off-line. UUSC facilitated microgrants for the activists to organize human-rights events in the "real" rather than virtual world. This allowed young bloggers to learn the basics of moving human-rights work into the streets, skills they have demonstrated a great aptitude for in the past few weeks. Now, UUSC is working with HAMSA in Egypt on how to support the development of new skills that will allow them to manage the transition from mass protest to democratic governance.

Although the spotlight is on the corrupt leadership they are working to end, the youth are also struggling against others systems at play. They are dealing with the influence of Western powers, an unjust economic system — partly due to the greed and corruption of their leaders and partly due to a global neoliberal economic framework — and more. They pose difficult questions to the West: "Why have democratic countries supported such undemocratic leaders? How will Western governments see our struggle for democracy?" Many of us admire the youth of the Middle East and North Africa and support their energy and courage. But to understand their demands, we need to ask ourselves the same questions they pose to us.