Withdrawal from the Human Rights Council a Shortsighted Blunder

Today, news broke that the Trump administration is withdrawing from the United Nations Human Rights Council. This decision further confirms that leadership on—and support for—human rights issues critical to millions across the globe will not come from the United States under this administration. The Unitarian Universalist Service Committee (UUSC) is deeply disappointed by the President’s shortsighted move, which will only serve to further isolate the United States and limit our country’s ability to engage in diplomacy in support of human rights.

Since President Trump’s inauguration, we, along with our allies and partners, have voiced concerns that leadership on issues that directly impact the lives of so many—climate change, refugee and migrant protections, and human rights overall—has not been a priority of this White House.

In fact, the United States has itself come under fire for its human rights violations. Earlier this year, Philip Alston, the United Nations’ special rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, published a “damning report” on poverty in the United States, condemning the Trump administration for exacerbating inequality between the rich and poor. Just this week both Zeid Ra’ad al-Hussein, UN high commissioner for human rights, and the UN Secretary-General António Guterres called for the immediate halt of Trump’s “zero tolerance” immigration policy, which has resulted in the separation of more than 2,300 migrant children from their parents at the U.S.-Mexico border since early May.

In remarks late Tuesday, U.S. Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley criticized the body for “political bias.” However, the Council scrutinizes all countries’ human rights records, pushing them to do better and hold one another accountable. As Alston noted in a recent interview, “whether you like the UN, whether you like its Human Rights Council or not, there are no other forums that bring together all of the relevant states and where pressure can be applied for more decent standards of rights.” Critiques of the United States or lack of support for its resolutions does not justify abandoning the forum altogether.

Given the U.S. President’s divisive and nationalist agenda, we are unsurprised by the decision to withdraw from an organization whose stated purpose is, “the promotion and protection of all human rights around the globe.” The irony of the United States claiming a sincere interest in human rights in this moment is not lost—moving forward the country will have significant work to do to re-establish itself as a credible partner in advancing human rights.

UUSC’s work is guided by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the treaties and instruments that have further expanded and defined the United Nations’ Charter. We will continue to work to advance the rights enumerated within these documents and are not deterred by the abdication of leadership and responsibility the Trump administration has shown. We maintain our faith in institutions like the UN Human Rights Council and will work to see they outlast the whims of those who would see them fail.

Immigration Bill Targets Families and Asylum-Seekers

The Border Security and Immigration Reform Act of 2018 would further militarize the border, continue to restrict lawful immigration, and close avenues for asylum-seekers to seek protection, while failing to end the policies that drive the separation of families. Last week, House Majority leadership unveiled draft legislation that supposedly provides a legislative “fix” for family separation and the end of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program. In reality, the draft legislation does not address the administration’s “zero tolerance” policy of criminally prosecuting all migrants and asylum seekers for unauthorized border crossing, which is a major source of the current wave of family separations. As experts have pointed out, this means that the family separation policy could easily continue under this bill.

“This bill is out of the same extortionist playbook as the other immigration proposals this White House has endorsed,” said Rachel Gore Freed, UUSC’s vice president and chief program officer. “The administration never had to end DACA, just as they never had to separate parents and kids. They start a fire and then refuse to put it out until the country accepts their extreme demands.

“These policies are designed to criminalize and deny entry to people of color,” added Freed. “It’s chilling that Jeff Sessions defends them by quoting the same passages from the Bible that were once used to defend slavery.”

Administration officials falsely claimed today that the family separation policy does not exist. In recent weeks, President Trump and others have incorrectly maintained that they are obliged to separate families by law. “The Ryan bill announced last week continues these same lies,” added Freed. “Trump and Sessions can stop criminally prosecuting asylum seekers and separating parents and children at any time. This proposed law is a non-solution to a problem of their own making.

“We have to harness this moment of awareness to ensure that it becomes awareness of the whole and of what people deserve. The goal remains in establishing a fair access to receive asylum and ending our destabilizing force in Central America so people can stay home. Period.”

The draft legislation, expected to come up for a vote in the House later this week, proposes $25 billion to fund a border wall, new restrictions on family-based migration, and an end to the Diversity Visa. These last two programs are crucial pathways for non-European immigrants to reach the United States and have played a major role in building a more diverse society in recent decades.

The bill would also eliminate certain protections for unaccompanied children and families and deter asylum-seekers. It erases protections under current U.S. law which ensure unaccompanied minors from countries not bordering the United States have a chance to present their case to an immigration judge. This change would expose more children to the danger of “expedited removal” to countries where they are at risk.

It would also undo the 1997 Flores settlement, which limits the amount of time children can be held in immigration detention. This change would enable the government to detain parents and children for the entirety of their immigration court proceedings, which can drag on for years. UUSC has spoken out against the practice of family detention under both the Obama and Trump administrations, and has documented the psychological trauma this practice inflicts on both parents and children.

“It is a cruel twist to end the appalling practice of separating families and lock them up instead,” continued Freed. “And even then, there’s nothing in this draft law to keep parents and kids together. The administration has no moral authority and continues to grasp for the legal right to restrict pathways for immigration and roll back protections for people fleeing danger. UUSC will continue to work against these and other anti-immigrant policy proposals.”

Sessions’ Asylum Decision Recklessly Endangers Women and Children

The Unitarian Universalist Service Committee (UUSC) is outraged by Attorney General Jeff Sessions’ decision to refuse asylum to survivors of domestic abuse and gang violence.

In a 30-page ruling issued Monday, June 11 in the Matter of A-B-, Sessions revoked a previous grant of asylum to a Salvadoran survivor of domestic violence, overthrowing years of legal precedent recognizing intimate partner violence as potential grounds for asylum. In sweeping terms, Sessions declared, “claims by aliens pertaining to domestic violence or gang violence perpetrated by non-governmental actors will not qualify for asylum.”

This deplorable ruling means that untold numbers of individuals fleeing spousal abuse, criminal networks, or armed groups are now at greater risk of being returned to the hands of their persecutors. Indeed, the ruling is so broad it could be used to exclude victims of virtually any sort of persecution carried out by non-state actors.

In April, UUSC joined an amicus brief with the Catholic Legal Immigration Network (CLINIC) and eight other faith-based organizations calling on Sessions to uphold the Board of Immigration Appeals’ prior ruling. Legal experts submitted 11 additional amicus briefs and roughly 700 pages of documentation in support of the complainant’s case.

Sessions’ decision displays a willful ignorance of the reasons people flee their home countries. Survivors of domestic abuse and gang violence are often left with no choice but to flee when the state has proven unable or unwilling to protect them from persecution and harm. This past year, UUSC’s partner in El Salvador, Fundación Cristosal, filed six cases on behalf of 60 individuals with the Salvadoran Supreme Court, arguing the government had failed in its duty to protect their constitutional rights when they faced violence at the hands of non-state actors. Cristosal has spent years documenting the Salvadoran government’s systemic failure to protect victims of internal displacement by violence.

The ruling also reflects a disturbing trend by the administration to devalue women and LGBTQI individuals, evidenced earlier this year by the removal of critical language on reproductive rights and women’s rights from the State Department’s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights reports that Honduras has an estimated 95% impunity rate for crimes against women. UUSC staff met recently with our partner, Foro de Mujeres Por la Vida, who described the structural barriers Honduran women face in obtaining justice or protection from the government, including failure to investigate or hold perpetrators accountable.

For UUSC’s partners throughout Central America who work with people forcibly displaced by criminal networks and domestic violence, Sessions’ decision is a major barrier to their ability to seek protection.

Unfortunately, this ruling merely reinforces the Trump administration’s broader anti-immigrant stance, including the “zero tolerance” policy announced last month, the continued cancellation of Temporary Protected Status for U.S. residents of countries recovering from disaster, and the end of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program. UUSC will continue to resist and find ways to overturn these policies, working to protect the lives and safety of countless vulnerable people who are at risk.

Torture and U.S. Complicity in Honduras

This is the second of a two-part blog series about UUSC’s participation in the May 2018 SHARE Foundation emergency accompaniment delegation to Honduras. Click here to read part one. All photos by Mark Coplan.

Last week, U.S. Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen met with the President of Honduras, Juan Orlando Hernandez. They discussed – in the words of the official press release – Nielsen’s “support for Honduran efforts to increase security and prosperity in their country,” and “tangible ways to improve citizen security and enhance the rule of law in Honduras.”

The delegation team meeting with seven Honduran political prisoners in Pimienta, May 2018.

On our recent visit to Honduras, my colleagues and I met with people who have witnessed the effects of U.S.-backed “efforts to increase security and prosperity” first-hand. The reality they described is far from the official press statements.

As part of an accompaniment delegation organized by the SHARE Foundation and our partners at Radio Progreso, our team met with seven Honduran political prisoners in Pimienta. During protests in the wake of the disputed November 2017 election in the town, four police officers were assaulted and a police station burned down. The government appears to have used these incidents as a pretext to crack down broadly on the rights of dissenters.

On December 26, 2017, the people we spoke with were arrested in a targeted sweep. All were Pimienta residents or lived nearby, men and women, between 20 and 30 years of age. Several gave accounts of being roused from their beds in the middle of the night and taken without explanation. Below are excerpts from their stories.

Jonathan Ricardo Perla López told us:

The day they arrested me, they came into my house at two in the morning without any arrest warrant. They turned my house upside down. I turned on the light and opened the door, knowing that they could do something. I was scared… I was outside in the rain until six in the morning.

Jonathan Ricardo Perla López

According to the testimony of Wilfredo Cáceres Sagastume:

I was arrested at four in the morning…My wife had only just gotten home, we had a ten-day old infant. I was nude in my bed, they threw me to the floor, they took me naked outside the house with my children and my ten-day old son. It was raining. I said to them let my children go in; they can do anything to me but let them go back inside. They beat me because of what I was asking.

Wilfredo Cáceres Sagastume

All the individuals we spoke with denied any involvement in the burning of the police station. While some had exercised their human rights by joining peaceful protests against the government, others insisted they were total bystanders targeted by police seemingly at random or as punishment for their political views.

From the testimony of Lourdes Johana Gómez Nuñez:

We decided to separate from the group when we realized there were people we didn’t know and that they were planning to burn the police station. When it actually happened we were in the house, but you could tell it was an atmosphere of fear. We realized that they were going to involve us because we’d been involved in protesting. That pattern happened… The police have been beating young people. They’ve been taking the kids other places and beating them, wanting them to say things that never happened.

Lourdes Johana Gómez Nuñez

 José Orlando Santos Ordóñez added:

The difference with me is that me and my brother Daniel were not involved in protests… The police said we’re not looking for who’s guilty, we’re looking for people to pay the penalty for the damage that was done.

José Orlando Santos Ordóñez

Many were held in isolation for 16 days in inhumane conditions. People described being tortured, threatened, and coerced into signing false confessions.

From the testimony of Francisco Miguel Gómez Ortega:

They took our clothes off, cut our hair, shaved our heads, placed us into solitary confinement…In cells meant for one person, they put seven people. We didn’t have any light for 16 days. We couldn’t see the light of day. We couldn’t shower. It was very cold, and we were sleeping on the floor, no blanket or mattress. They were trying to get to us mentally, psychologically every day. Because we could not see the light of day in the morning, the guards would say “good evening,” and in the night they would say “good morning.”

Francisco Miguel Gómez Ortega

Roque Jacinto Alvarenga Corea gave one of the fullest and most disturbing accounts of torture and ill-treatment we heard:

They forced me to sign a paper. They read me my rights while beating me at the same time with the butt of a gun. They beat my hands. They said they would throw me in jail for 30 years because I had committed the crime of “terrorism” and “kidnapping” and “attempt to kill a police officer.” And of course I never did any of those things… We were segregated in a punishment cell for 16 days. They didn’t give us access to showers. Nothing in terms of personal hygiene…And they would threaten us that they would kill us. They would spray pepper spray into the cell. They would give us electric shocks. They said we were the scourge of society and we didn’t deserve to live.

Roque Jacinto Alvarenga Corea

Another person described being served rice and beans that turned out to be full of rocks and rat feces.

These extreme human rights violations are not the isolated work of the Honduran security forces. This violence and abuse are made possible by the actions of the U.S. government. Over the past few years, millions of dollars of U.S. aid has flowed to the Honduran police. The United States has also trained special units of the Honduran security forces and maintains a military presence in Honduras at the Soto Cano air base. Both the Obama and Trump administrations have cemented this alliance with the Honduran government, despite a 2009 coup that overthrew the elected president and the recent wave of political violence that began last year.

U.S. officials like to claim that their training makes foreign security forces less likely to commit human rights violations. Frank Mora, a former deputy assistant secretary at the Department of Defense during the Obama administration, suggested to Univision that U.S. training may have been a factor in some Honduran police units’ refusal to take action against protesters during the government’s post-election crackdown.

But the stories we heard gave us no reason to think this is true. The people we spoke with identified the Honduran National Police, the “Cobras,” and an elite special force, the “Tigres,” as involved in their arrests. All three receive U.S. funding – and in some cases, military training as well.

Gómez Nuñez explained:

They arrested every one of the 11 members at exactly the same day and the same time, so it was clearly coordinated. They were members of the military police, National Police, DPI [Dirección Policial de Investigación – a special investigative unit of the Honduran police started by the Hernandez government], and Cobras.

Roque Jacinto Alvarenga Corea also identified the military police, the National Police, the Cobras and the Tigres as among the security forces who beat and tortured him during his arrest and detention.

As delegates from the United States, it was horrifying to hear first-hand what U.S. tax dollars are supporting in Central America.

Our knowledge was made all the harder to bear given the cruelty Central American migrants face at the U.S.-Mexico border, seeking safety from the exact persecution we learned about. While we were in Honduras we heard stories of parents and children being forcibly separated – a practice that legal and psychiatric experts argue is tantamount to torture. We learned that U.S. Customs and Border Patrol shot and killed 19-year-old Maya woman, Claudia Gómez González, and that a 33-year-old transgender woman, Roxsana Hernandez, died in U.S. custody after surviving a harrowing journey to seek asylum as part of a refugee caravan that crossed the U.S.-Mexico border in April.

Stories like these have only multiplied since our return. It is becoming clear that people are escaping torture and death in Central America only to be met with both at the hands of the U.S. government.

Members of the accompaniment delegation stand with Honduran political prisoners.

These horrors and injustices are not all we saw or heard in our conversations, however. What lingers with me as well is the basic decency that the political prisoners showed, even in the face of intolerable injustice. Though they had been subjected to inhuman violence, they held on to human values of compassion and mercy. One man told us that he would not wish what happened to him in prison on his worst enemy. Roque Jacinto Alvarenga Corea added:

The prisons aren’t what we thought they were. They are killing people inside little by little. I’m sure there are people there who have made mistakes. But they shouldn’t treat them like that. They too are humans just like us.

After hearing these stories, the words of Archbishop Oscar Romero reverberated in my mind. Romero was a Salvadoran human rights defender who spoke out against U.S. military aid to the government of El Salvador in the 1980s and was ultimately assassinated for his work. He remains a source of inspiration for the human rights movement in Central America, and a large portrait of Romero hangs in the common room at the office of our partners, Radio Progreso. In 1977, he wrote: There is no dichotomy between humanity and God’s image. Whoever tortures a human being, whoever abuses a human being, whoever outrages a human being, abuses God’s image.

An image of Archbishop Oscar Romero hangs on the wall behind the delegation team.

In the face of these seven individuals who were tortured by their government, in the face of all migrants who are abused and disappeared, is the face that Romero described as the image of God. It is the face of our shared humanity.

Defending Land and Lives in Honduras

This is the first of a two-part blog series about UUSC’s participation in the May 2018 SHARE Foundation emergency accompaniment delegation to Honduras.

“As women are defending the earth and the land, we also have to defend the territories of our own bodies.” This is how Noemí Dubón described her work, seated next to Carolina Sierra and Andrea Paz. The three women are leaders in the Honduran women’s organization Foro de Mujeres Por la Vida (“Foro”), which has partnered with UUSC for the past two years.

They welcomed my Unitarian Universalist Service Committee (UUSC) colleagues and me to their office in San Pedro Sula on Monday, May 21. There, we joined their staff around an altar dedicated to martyrs of women’s and human rights movements in Honduras, including Berta Cáceres and Margarita Murillo – two women murdered while leading struggles to protect the lands of indigenous people and small farmers (photo courtesy of Mark Coplan). Over the next hour, Noemí, Carolina, and Andrea informed us about the perils of being a human rights defender in Honduras, as well as the solidarity with other women that gives them strength to keep working for justice.

We were in Honduras as part of a solidarity delegation organized by the SHARE Foundation. However, our immediate purpose was to accompany UUSC partner Radio Progreso as they returned home after a multi-city U.S. tour to raise awareness about the human rights crisis in Honduras and the complicity of the U.S. government in the violence.

Because of the dangers facing human rights defenders in Honduras—including specific threats against our partners—it was crucial that U.S.-based supporters like UUSC join Radio Progreso on their return. Once in Honduras, we met with other human rights leaders, like Foro. In all cases, we wanted to convey a message to the Honduran and U.S. governments: We are with our friends and we will know if you allow harm to befall them.

During our meeting with Foro, their leaders told us about the reality of systemic violence facing women and human rights defenders in Honduras. They informed us that as many as 96% of crimes committed against women are never penalized and that their own colleagues and friends have been murdered or disappeared.

From left, Noemí Dubón, Carolina Sierra, and Andrea Paz, leaders from UUSC partner organization Foro de Mujeres Por la Vida, share first-hand accounts of the violence women and human rights defenders are facing in Honduras. Photo courtesy of Mark Coplan.

In one especially disturbing case, Norma Yolanda, a leader in one of Foro’s member organizations, was abducted while nursing her infant child at home in 2010. The men who took her were dressed as security forces, and identifying themselves as Honduran government authorities. Despite working for eight years to find answers about her disappearance, Foro still doesn’t know where Norma was taken or whether she is alive.

The dangers that women and human rights defenders face in Honduras are inseparable from the violation of ancestral and indigenous land rights—in many cases linked to U.S.-backed development projects. In another meeting convened by the SHARE delegation, we heard from leaders in two Garifuna (Afro-Honduran) communities who are fighting eviction and dispossession of their traditional lands to make way for tourist resorts. One of the Garifuna-led organizations we met with, Mariposas Libres, is a member of the Foro network. The women of Mariposas Libres described to us how the development of a new beach-front hotel has deprived them of access to the coast and degraded the natural environments that are essential to their livelihoods.

Garifuna (Afro-Honduran) community leaders meet with the SHARE delegation members discuss how they are resisting the dispossession of their traditional lands to make way for tourist resorts.

For Foro de Mujeres and their allies, the women’s struggle is always two-fold: defending the land and the integrity of their own bodies.

This struggle continues in the face of patriarchy reinforced by the power of the state. Foro staff described how, when confronted with reports of femicide (the killing of women because they are women) or other human rights violations, authorities often reply that the women ought to have stayed at home with their children. They described how police and military officers have used sexual violence as a weapon of war against female protesters and rights defenders and how women who have been sexually assaulted by security forces sometimes go to report the crime and find the perpetrator at the police station. They added that they have been slandered as “murderers” for speaking out against the criminalization of women who seek abortions, which is completely banned in Honduras without exception.

Even as sexist violence and speech are ingrained in the power structures of Honduras, the human rights movement offers a very different vision of women’s roles. Women’s leadership is central to the whole social movement in Honduras, across its many sectors. Leaders and martyrs like Caceres and Murillo are looked to and honored as defenders not only of women, but of entire communities and ways of life that are menaced by the twin forces of militarism and neocolonialism.

As Foro’s Executive Coordinator Carolina Sierra told us during our meeting, “What we do is we love each other and we take care of each other. We grow together. We hold in our minds those who have been murdered and disappeared because they give us the example of their struggle and their sacrifice, their martyrdom inspires us to continue so they will not be forgotten.”

In these moments and throughout our time in Honduras, the words of Sweet Remember, a poem by Carmen Tafolla echoed in my mind. After describing extreme torture Central American women experienced during the death squads of the 1980s, she ends with the following lines:

this is why
I do not ask
my child to cry
to sit sweet helpless and be cute
to always need a male escort
to think that only he protects,
not she, herself, and not she, him
to think herself so delicate
so weak …
But I will teach her
quite instead
that she is her own brave life
till dead
and that there are no guarantees in life
nor rights
but those that we invent
and that the bravest thing of all
to think, to feel, to care, and to recall
is to be human
and to be complete

Hopes and Dreams in Honduras

This week, Unitarian Universalist Service Committee (UUSC) staff met with one of our newest partners in Honduras at our office in Cambridge. Ely Castro Rosales, a member of the Jesuit-led radio station Radio Progreso, gave an unforgettable firsthand account of the unfolding human rights crisis in Honduras and the complicity of the U.S. government.

As my colleagues Gina Collignon, Leigh Meunier, and I prepare to join Radio Progreso in Honduras this Saturday, as part of an international accompaniment delegation organized by the SHARE Foundation, Castro Rosales’ story is an inspiring example of courage in the face of repression.

As a journalist and human rights defender, Castro Rosales has been involved in justice struggles in Honduras since the 1980s. He currently serves as a regional coordinator for an activist coalition, which is mobilizing against the constitutionally suspect second term of the ruling government in Honduras. As he told us on Tuesday, he became a “social fighter” at age 13 and remained one ever since.

During a U.S. speaking tour to raise awareness of the growing human rights crisis in Honduras, UUSC partner Ely Castro Rosales shares the stories of lives lost due to the violence and corruption, and a message of hope that the international community will take action.

Radio Progreso, where Castro Rosales is on the news team, is one of the few voices in the media in Honduras who offer critical and independent reporting on human rights issues. They work closely with UUSC’s other partner in Honduras, Foro de Mujeres Por la Vida, who air a program each week on Radio Progreso, and who will also be meeting with the accompaniment delegation next week.

During his presentation Castro Rosales spoke about the threats facing democracy in Honduras, including the violence Honduran police and military forces have committed against peaceful protestors. UU College of Social Justice Director Rev. Kathleen McTigue witnessed some of this suppression first-hand during her solidarity visit to Honduras in January.

Since that time, threats to political and civil rights in Honduras have continued. As UN Special Rapporteur Michel Frost recently concluded, after a visit to Honduras from April 29 to May 12, human rights defenders and journalists—like our partners—remain especially at risk of being criminalized and attacked.

Castro Rosales’ presentation left no doubt that this violence is driven in part by the role of the United States and its allies in the region. It has been previously reported that the United States has funded and trained police units implicated in the recent human rights violations. Castro Rosales showed us photos of tear-gas canisters deployed against Honduran protesters that were manufactured in Pennsylvania.

According to Castro Rosales, Honduran police and military also receive support from the government of Colombia. This often originates from the United States as well, as the country has long sponsored efforts by the Colombian government to train security forces in Central America – despite the Colombian military’s own documented role in human rights violations against its people. The U.S. government is making it harder for people to stay in Honduras, even as it moves to deter them from seeking asylum elsewhere and to deport more Hondurans to danger.

These policies, and the violence they stoke, force more people to flee Honduras in search of safety. Mexican authorities reported a 78% increase in the number of Hondurans traveling through Mexico in February 2018, compared to just before the November 2017 election, according to the Washington Office on Latin America.

As Castro Rosales led us to reflect on our government’s culpability, however, he also made it clear that it is possible to reverse these policies. The United States can end its military and security aid to Honduras. And Congress can protect Honduran immigrants—including 86,000 Temporary Protected Status holders—from mass deportation to unsafe conditions.

What I will try to carry with me most from our talk with Castro Rosales, especially as we travel to Honduras this week, was his quiet bravery. “We are full of hopes and dreams,” he told us at the close of his presentation. “We are in this because we believe it is possible to get better conditions for all our people.”

His words invite my colleagues and me to join the delegation to Honduras not with fear, but with faith. As Radio Progreso begins its editorial segment, “Our Word” each week: Porque creemos en la necesidad de la transformación de la realidad (Because we believe it is necessary to transform reality). At UUSC, we too believe that it is necessary – and possible – to remake our shared world for the better.